Wednesday, 31 October 2018

Raghunandan TR Diary: Religious Practices and Court Judgements

A diary from the wall of Raghunandan TR, former Joint Secretary at Govt of India. 


 

It is a note that I prepared for my own understanding of the legal position, with respect to the freedom of religion enshrined in our constitution. The freedom of religion is described in the Constitution in two Articles, as follows: 

Article 25  
  1. Subject to public order, morality and health and to the other provisions of this Part, all persons are equally entitled to freedom of conscience and the right freely to profess, practice and propagate religion
  2. Nothing in this Article shall affect the operation of any existing law or prevent the State from making any law - 
a) Regulating or restricting any economic, financial, political or other secular activity which may be associated with religious practice;
b) Providing for social welfare and reform or the throwing open of Hindu religious institutions of a public character to all classes and sections of Hindus; 
 
Article 26 
Subject to public order, morality and health, every religious denomination or any section thereof shall have the right - 
a) to establish and maintain institutions for religious and charitable purposes; 
b) to manage its own affairs in matters of religion; 
c) to own and acquire movable and immovable property; and 
d) to administer such property in accordance with law. 

So it is clear as the day that (a) Indians have freedom of conscience and the right to profess, practice and propagate religion (See Article 25(1)) and every religious denomination or section thereof has the right to manage its affairs in matters of religion and maintain institutions for religious and charitable purposes (See Article 26 (a) and (b)). However, these rights are subject to two restrictions as follows: 

I) Article 25 (2)(a) says that laws can be made to regulate or restrict any economic, financial, political or secular activity which may be associated with religious practice. And 
II) Article 25(2) (b) says that laws can be made to provide for social welfare and reform OR the throwing open of Hindu religious institutions of a public character, to all classes and sections of Hindus.

The important thing to note, particularly for those who ask the question why only Hindu institutions are subject to orders of being thrown open to all classes and sections of Hindus, is that Article 25(2) (b) is indeed asymmetric by the plain wording of it. However, if one reads the article carefully, it is not as if other religions cannot be regulated. The first part of Article 25(2) (b) – making of laws to provide for social welfare and reform – very wide words – are applicable to all religions and the second part of 25(2)(b) –opening of Hindu religious institutions – is only applicable to those of a public character.

For those who still feel that this extra pressure on Hindu religious institutions of a public character is asymmetrically intrusive, I would suggest that they read the debates in the Constitutional Assembly to understand why this asymmetry was introduced in the first place. For reasons of brevity, I am not going to post it here; I can abstract and post that later.

Now to come to the Supreme Court’s consideration of the scope and ambit of Articles 25 and 26, those who are not happy with the judgment say that the Supreme Court should not have interfered in matters of religion. Well, first, I suggest that they should read the above clauses in the Constitution without mental blocks and biases. Second, they are unaware also that there is a long history of the Supreme Court adjudicating on questions relating to Articles 25 and 26, from the 1950s onward.

Please read the excellent article that I have linked here. The author has brilliantly analysed the evolving interpretation by the Supreme Court of the right to freedom of religion. From her article, for my own understanding, I made extensive notes, particularly on the important landmark judgments of the Supreme Court in Articles 25 and 26, arranged in chronological order, to show how the law evolved. A lot of the language I have used is credited to the author, though I have modified it somewhat, here and there. The final points I make are my own.

So here are some important judicial pronouncements on the freedom of religion.

(1) Commissioner, Hindu Religious Endowments, Madras vs. Sri Lakshmindra Thirtha Swamiyar of Shirur Mutt, (1954) SCR 1005.

The Madras Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments Act, 1951 was enacted to empower a statutory commissioner to intervene if they had ‘reason to believe’ that a religious institution was mismanaging funds. The Mathadhipathi of the Shirur Mutt challenged this provision, claiming that it interfered with his right to manage the religious affairs of the Mutt. The Supreme Court examined the question as to where the line is to be drawn between what are matters of religion and what are not?. The Court held; “what constitutes the essential part of a religion is primarily to be ascertained with reference to the doctrines of that religion itself.” (The ‘Shirur Mutt doctrine’).

(2) Sri Venkataramana Devaru vs State of Mysore, (1958) SCR 895.

The Goud Saraswat Brahmins challenged the Madras Temple Entry Authorisation Act, 1947 which threw open the doors of the temple of Sri Venkataramana of Moolky to Harijans, claining that they had a right to exclude other communities from entering their temple as a matter of religion. The Court, instead of studying what constitutes the ‘essential part of the religion’ as practiced by Goud Saraswat Brahmins, itself went into great detail into scripture, ancient literature, the practice of Hindus and the role of temples and held that the exclusion was under the ceremonial law of the Hindus and therefore, an essential practice. The methodology adopted by Justice Venkatarama Iyer in his judgment was criticised as it positioned the Supreme Court as a theological expert.

(3). Mohd Hanif Quareshi vs State of Bihar, (1959) SCR 629.

The Qureshi Muslims challenged the ban on cow slaughter, claiming that they were compelled by their religion to sacrifice cows on Bakrid. The Court adopted the rationale used in the Venkatramana Devaru case and examined the Islamic religious texts. It found that there was no evidence to show that sacrifice of cows on Bakrid was an essential practice for the Qureshi Muslims. It rejected the argument of the Qureshi Muslims that they had made such sacrificed since “time immemorial” in the face of the absence of any religious sanction for the same.

(4). Durgah Committee, Ajmer vs Syed Hussain Ali, (1962) 1 SCR 383.

The Chadims of the tomb of Hazrat Khwaja Moin–Ud-Din Chisthi of Ajmer challenged in the Supreme Court, the Rajasthan Government law constituting a committee to manage the Dargah. The Supreme Court dismissed the case. In doing so, Justice Gajendragadkar observed; “… even purely secular practices which are not an essential or an integral part of religion are apt to be clothed with a religious form and may make a claim for being treated as religious practices within the meaning of Article 26…..similarly, even practices, though religious, may have sprung from merely superstitious beliefs and may in that sense be extraneous and unessential accretions to religion itself… In other words, the protection under Article 26 must be confined to such religious practices as are an essential and an integral part of it and no other.” The Court thus made a distinction between religious practices and superstitious beliefs and introduced the test of ‘careful scrutiny’ to the Shirur Mutt test of 'essential practices'.

(5) Sardar Syedna Taher Saifudeen Sahib vs. State of Bombay, (1962) Supp (2) SCR 496.

The Syedna of the Dawoodi Bohra community challenged the constitutional validity of the Bombay Prevention of Excommunication Act, 1949 which banned excommunication. The majority of the Judges struck down the Excommunication Act as violating Article 25 and 26 and held that the Bohras had the right to excommunicate. However, Justice Sinha dissented and made a strong case for recognizing the individual right guaranteed in Artice 25 over the right of an organised body like a religious denomination or any section as stated out in Article 26. He felt that every member of the community has the “right, so long as he does not in any way interfere with the corresponding rights of others, to profess, practice and propagate his religion, and everyone is guaranteed his freedom of conscience.” He said that only such an approach would enable the State to restrict undesirable religious practices, such as the religious practices of sacrifice of human beings or animals in a way deleterious to the wellbeing of the community at large. He said that it must be open to the State to intervene to restrict, regulate or completely stop such practices in the interest of the community at large. He also pointed out that social reform such as the prohibition of sati, or devadasi, or ostracizing a person from all social contacts and religious communion on account of his having eaten forbidden food or taboo, were stopped by legislation in the past.

This dissenting judgment in the Dawoodi Bohra case has an important bearing on the way that the law evolved from this point onward.

(6). Tilkayat Shri Govindlalji Maharaj vs. State of Rajasthan & ors, (1964) 1 SCR 561.

In this case, the same judge who put forth the Shirur Mutt formula, Justice Gajendragadkar, felt constrained to say that it was not always possible to find solutions from within a community’s tenets, when conflicting evidence is produced in respect of rival contentions. The principle of letting the community decide its essential practices would break down when there was more than one voice for the community.

(7) Sastri Yagnapurushadji & other vs. Muldas Brewdardas Vaishya & anr, AIR 1966 1119.

In this case, the Swaminarayan sect challenged the Bombay Hindu Places of Public Worship (Entry Authorisation) Act, 1956, which threw open temples to Dalits. The Swaminarayan sect claimed that they were a different denomination under the provisions of Article 25(2) and sought to be exempted from the law. Justice Gajendragadkar held that while the suit is based on a genuine apprehension entertained by the appellants, the said apprehension is founded on superstition, ignorance and complete misunderstanding of the true teachings of Hindu religion and of the real significance of the tenets and philosophy taught by Swaminarayan himself.

If we pause here to consider the effects of these judgments, it was cleare that by 1964, the Courts had settled on two patterns in their approach. First, they were taking on the mantle of getting into the substantive questions of what were the essential practices of a religion, and second, they were increasingly dealing with restrictive practices with a pro-reform and anti-discrimination attitude.

Now let us look at some more cases:

(8) Acharya Jagdishwaranand Avadhuta vs Commissioner of Police, Calcutta, (1983) 4 SCC 522.

In this case, the Ananda Margis, who wished to dance the tandava dance in public with a skull, a knife, trishul (trident) and a damaroo(pellet drum), were prohibited by the police. The Supreme Court held that the tandava dance was not an essential religious rite of the Ananda Margis, was of recent origin and even conceding that the dance was prescribed as a religious right for every Ananda Margi, it was not necessary to be performed in public.

(9) Sri Adi Visheshwara of Kashi Vishwanath Temple, Varanasi vs. State of UP, (1997) 4 SCC 606.

In this case, the petitioners challenged the Uttar Pradesh Sri Kashi Vishwanatha Temple Act, 1983, which entrusted the management of the temple with the State. The Supreme Court again cautioned that sometimes practices, religious or secular, are inextricably mixed up.

(10) N. Adithayan vs. Travancore Devaswom Board, (2002) 8 SCC 106.

This is a very important case in the context of the Sabarimala issue. In this case, a question arose before the Court whether the Travancore Devaswom Board could appoint a non-Malayalee brahmin as priest of the Kongorpilli Neerikodu Shiva temple. The Court held that ‘Any custom or usage irrespective of even any proof of their existence in pre-constitutional days cannot be countenanced as a source of law to claim any rights when it is found to violate human rights, dignity, social equality and the specific mandate of the Constitution and law made by Parliament. No usage which is found to be pernicious and considered to be in derogation of the law of the land or opposed to public policy or social decency can be accepted or upheld by courts in the country.

(11) Commissioner of Police v. Acharya Jagdishwarananda Avadhuta, (2004) 12 SCC 770.

The Ananda Margis, not to be deterred by the Supreme Court’s order prohibiting the Tandava dance in public as it was a non-essential practice, revised their religious book to prescribe the tandava dance as an essential religious practice. The Supreme Court did not concur with them and said, “Such alterable parts or practices are definitely not the 'core' of religion where the belief is based and religion is founded upon. It could only be treated as mere embellishments to the non-essential part or practices.” The Supreme Court went by the logic that even when texts expressly state a practice to be as an essential practice of the relatively new religion, Courts need to look into whether the absence of the practice would make a fundamental change to the religion. Thus, a distinction was drawn between ‘the core of a religion’ and ‘mere embellishments’.

(12) Adi Saiva Sivachariyargal Nala Sangam vs. Government of Tamil Nadu, (2016) 2 SCC 725.

In this case, a Government Order that permitted “any qualified Hindu” to be an Archaka of a temple was challenged as violative of the petitioners’ right to appoint Archakas from their own denomination in accordance with the Agamas. The Supreme Court held that “the constitutional legitimacy, naturally, must supersede all religious beliefs or practices.”

(13) Shayara Banu vs Union of India, (2017) 9 SCC 1.

Finally, the Triple Talaq case. Here, the Court examined whether Triple Talaq was an essential practice to the Hanafi school of Muslims. The Supreme Court examined Islamic jurisprudence and held that Triple Talaq was not an essential practice. It also Court observed that a practice does not acquire the sanction of religion simply because it is permitted and merely because a practice has continued for long; that by itself cannot make it valid.

From an analysis of the above cases, it can be clearly seen that there have been two streams of evolution in the examination of the Fundamental right to practice religion.

First, even though in the Shirur Mutt case the Court said that what is essential to a religion must be seen from the prevailing customs of that religion, it has not, in subsequent cases, shied away from getting into the details of the religious practices that are placed before it and ascertaining for itself whether such a practice is essential to a religion or otherwise. In that context, it has propounded more doctrines, including that mere superstitions and beliefs cannot be considered as central to a religion. It has done this not only in the case of Hindu beliefs, but also Islamic beliefs. Courts have done so in spite of the asymmetry contained in Article 25(2)(b) that mandates a greater scrutiny of the access rights of Hindus to temples, as compared to the access rights of Muslims to Mosques and Dargahs. Thus, its judgments have touched both the Hindu and the Muslim religions and their denominations. In addition, right from the very beginning, the Supreme Court has also drawn clear borders around terms such as ‘religious denomination’ thus disallowing the tendency for self selected champions of orthodoxy to seek protection and flexibility as a religious denomination’.

However, there has been another trend that emerged as well, with respect to the value given to individual rights over community beliefs. In the initial years, the Shirur Mutt doctrine was diluted by the decision in the Goud Saraswat case, where the people of the latter community were able to keep Dalits out of a temple and that was upheld by the Supreme Court in the judgment of Justice Venkatrama Iyer. However, beginning with the dissenting judgment of Justice Sinha in the Dawoodi Bohra case, there has been a greater recognition of individual rights over the so called collective rights of the community. This approach has found more and more strength, as the courts have now become emboldened to place constitutional values, dignity of individuals and social equality on a higher pedestal than religious claims. The Triple Talaq judgment is an excellent example of this approach of the Supreme Court.

Thus, for all those who claim that the decision of the Court in the Sabarimala case is an example of judicial overreach, it is not. It is the next step in an evolving area of jurisprudence, where the reasonings of earlier judgments have been considered and applied, by 4 judges as opposed to one dissenting judge. This approach has found excellent expression in the judgment of Justice Chandrachud, which I would invite all of you to read.

Second, the list of precedents would show that the court has equally passed judgment on cases that concern Islam. So at least on that count, there is an answer to those who erroneously argue that there is too much interference in the Hindu religion by courts and much less in Islam.

Original post can be read here on Facebook. Read more from Raghunandan TR Diary 


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Monday, 22 October 2018

Why NRIs should donate to AAP?


Human migration is not a new phenomenon. In search of better resources, humans migrated from one country and continent to another. This is not the end, it will continue because different countries have still not attained an equilibrium of resources. Our psychology is also strange. We are always attracted towards the things we don't have. Promises of better resources, life style, and economic status attracted many of us who migrated to different countries. Every country has a good and bad side. Hunger for best education was the reason that I chose a North American university for higher education, because I already had been to the best institute in India.

Things were different in Canada for me and it took a while to adapt to a new system. Now I can comfortably drive on right hand side of the road which I initially found even difficult to walk on. I found a lot of personal space here but at the same time, the space which was occupied with my experiences, thoughts and memories of India was irreplaceable. I was in contact with many friends back home, and with time we all got busy with our daily routines. Void created due to spatial movement from one country to another started filling our talks on phone with frequent comparison between the two countries. Conversation often shifted to why it is almost impossible to implement some good working policies of the West in India. Through my circle of friends in the university, I have come to know that almost every first generation immigrant, irrespective of their country of origin, goes through the same cycle of confusion. This sometimes leads to a feeling of frustration and often anger. I have tried to argue with myself that my anger is misplaced because India has different priorities and demography. Mostly, this dilemma persists with first generation immigrants throughout their lives. For their kids and so forth, India is like a vacation spot where they happen to visit to see their grandparents.

While living abroad, we support our family and friends financially. This is the best we can do living at such a large distance. Job insecurity, lifestyle and population issues in India always keeps us hanging on the question of whether we should go back or not. After certain number of years, it becomes really difficult to go back to India because a couple of suitcases are converted into a house and cars and learning to adapt to a new system becomes an integral part of life. Sometimes we choose to donate to a NGO in India or sponsor a child of a family member. Our efforts get un-noticed in the larger scheme of things and are limited to very few number of people. Bringing a change at a bigger scale is almost never present in the minds of immigrants living abroad. This is probably because we don't have major hope from the Indian system. This sentiment continues because we never get to see any progress from the Indian governments. On the contrary, situations get worse every day. As a result, we complete our lifecycles with a permanent soft corner for mother India.

However, my generation of immigrants have witnessed a historic change. For the first time, I have come in contact with a large number of people who have started believing in the Indian govt and their model. Yes, I'm referring to the contributions made by Delhi Govt, which is ruled by Aam Aadmi Party. This government has been able to present an efficient model and made us believe that change is possible in India. Collective efforts from people in power and other individuals who supported them in India and abroad made this dream come true. NRIs helped to channelize a mechanism to transfer the knowledge back to their motherland.

A change with maximum effectiveness is not possible without political willpower which in turn depends on the mindset of politicians. As of now, I see that only the AAP government in Delhi is serious about bringing systemic changes in India. This estimation is based on their achievements in a couple of years. However, the change might not sustain if it is focused in just one area (Delhi). Also, it will take years for AAP to overhaul the generation gap and bring everyone on the same page (every citizen has a similar progressive thought process). Some revolutionary steps presented by AAP Delhi Government are: 
  • A complete revolution in government education system 
  • Regularly sending government school principals and teachers to internationally acclaimed universities such as Cambridge for training 
  • Total dedication to its manifesto making electricity rate half as promised and giving free amount of water needed for subsistence
  • Starting a 3-tier healthcare system - mohalla clinics, poly clinics, super speciality hospitals 
  • Implementing a first-of-its-kind in the world innovative door step delivery of 40 Delhi government services 
  • Increasing total green coverage in the capital region 
  • Opening of World Class Skill Centres 
  • Connecting farthest villages of Delhi with bus routes 
  • Providing guaranteed education loans to students for higher education 
  • Increasing minimum wage, pensions and farmer compensations against natural disasters 
  • Providing free medicines and medical tests for Delhi residents in govt and private hospitals 
  • Crushing down on corruption by bringing transparency in the system and providing services online 
  • Promoting green energy for a sustainable environment 
  • Providing farmers with an incentive to sell energy produced from solar panels whose installation is made possible by the govt 
  • Building night shelters and public washrooms for a safe and clean Delhi 
All the above achievements have become possible because we all came together for a greater cause. We need to elaborate this success across India to make it a durable and long-lasting effort. Unfortunately, due to NCT act, present AAP govt failed to arrest and prosecute corrupt officials. AAP was able to punish them initially but later, Delhi govt lost the power control over ACB. To summarize, the feats mentioned above were realized without a direct control over law and order in the state. It is easy to imagine how far AAP could have gone in case they had full access without disturbance over every aspect of the administrative state. 
To overseas friends:

You choose airline based on its service, timing and facilities. Government is a service provider and AAP has proved its capability by delivering efficiently on every aspect of the public service system.

Its time to come together and support AAP by donating and volunteering to help them take their achievements to the next level.  


आपका दान || राष्ट्र का निर्माण 
Donate now!! 


Click donations.aamaadmiparty.org or call +91-98710 10101
You can also contact me if you need any help. 

(Only Indian passport holders can donate) 

Read More: All possible ways to donate to AAP 




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Saturday, 20 October 2018

Insights of AAP Election Campaign from Chhattisgarh




After completing his PhD degree from the University of London, Dr Sanket returned to India and started working for the welfare of Indian farmers. He contributed to their cause for more than 20 years. It was 2006-07, when Dr. Sanket met Manish Sisodia who used to go to Chhattisgarh for educational programs. Since then, he started working with Manish and later became an active member of Anti Corruption Movement and joined Aam Aadmi Party. Social activist Dr. Sanket Thakur is currently the state convenor of AAP Chhattisgarh. 

Dr. Sanket Thakur sopte to overseas volunteers during AAP Ka Radio conference call and discussed about AAP Chhattisgarh election campaign.


Dr. Sanket Thakur
AAP Chhattisgarh Leader Dr. Sanket Thakur campaigning in his constituency 

AAP as Strong Alternative: Tribals, farmers and labourers sum up to more than 90% of Chhattisgarh’s population. Due to 15 years of poor policies, corruption and pathetic governance model of BJP, people are suffering. The state was born in 2000 and has been ruled by both Congress and BJP but the situation remains same. People have now lost hope from any established political party. Fuelled with inspiration from the Delhi governance model, people are positive about AAP. This party is being considered as a strong alternative to BJP and Congress as people have realized that things will remain the same if they further vote for any of the more-than-a-decade old parties. AAP’s pro-farmer agenda items including focus on employment, improved agricultural environment, quality health and education are attracting Chhattisgarh voters.

The Volunteer Network: Earlier in March when Arvind Kejriwal visited Raipur, he was overwhelmed with the support of people. It was all because of AAP’s strong organizational structure in Chhattisgarh. AAP leaders in Chhattisgarh remained united even when the party was about to split after Yogendra Yadav’s Swaraj Abhiyan. Prominent  leaders from the state such as Soni Sori were called by Swaraj Abhiyan leaders but they remained united with AAP. Both Dr. Sanket Thakur and Soni Sori are working with the people of Chhattisgarh for a very long time. With the help of other team members over a period of couple of years, they established a robust volunteer network across Chhattisgarh. People of every class, caste and religion joined the party hoping for a better future. Situation in Chhattisgarh is very similar to Delhi and people are ready for change. 

By-Elections and Organization: Organizational development expert Gopal Rai took charge of Chhattisgarh AAP unit in Sept 2016. He converted a team primarily comprising of activists in various fields to a politically mature team by building a solid ground network of volunteers at booth level. In his frequent visits to Chhattisgarh, Gopal Rai travelled across the state and became familiar with local issues. Recently AAP won several seats in local by-elections (e.g. gram panchayat, jila panchayat, district committee). In 2014 itself, AAP candidates won 1.5 to 2% of votes on each parliament seat which is equivalent to 10000 to 15000 votes in each constituency. This was achieved when there did not exist a properly functioning AAP body in Chhattisgarh and the party was confined to 9 districts only. 

AAP will be contesting on all 90 seats in the upcoming Chhattisgarh assembly elections. Complete list of candidates can be accessed here. Recently AAP Chhattisgarh has announced its CM candidate as Komal Hupendi.


Campaign Challenges: AAP Chhattisgarh candidates are mainly focused on door-to-door campaigns. You may not see AAP ads on TV, social media or big hoardings but local media is providing good enough coverage to their campaign. While campaigning, volunteers pay careful heed to voters’ problems and note them down for manifesto preparation. After initial ignorance from big media houses, they have also started talking about AAP’s candidates after realizing their potential. Volunteer teams consist of a minimum 10 people who are active at booth level in more than 65 vidhan sabha areas. There are some challenges in naxal affected areas as locals are afraid to identify with a political party. In rest of the places, team is working very good and taking AAP message to the last door. 

Funds: At present, AAP Chhattisgarh team is struggling with funds. They are trying to manage the campaign with minimum expenditure, still some of the candidates are lacking funds even to get the campaign pamphlet printed. Any kind of help from AAP supporters will be highly appreciated in this regard. AAP central team denied any kind of financial support and has also stopped AAP Ka Daan campaign. Earlier, state units were able to fundraise money for election campaigns by accepting micro donations of Rs 5, 10, 15 and 20. When a total of Rs 5000 would be collected, it was deposited into party bank account. Multiple deposits of Rs 5000 raised a red flag and income-tax department sent an explanation notice to AAP. As of now, AAP accepts donations via online transactions, demand drafts and cheques only. While the team is resolving the issue with income tax department, AAP has stopped AAP Ka Daan campaign. 

On October 15th, AAP launched “Aap ka Daan, Rashtra ka Nirmaan” campaign to raise funds.

Farmers are coming in support of AAP and donating whatever they can for the state of Chhattisgarh. Dr Sanket and his team is approaching former Chhattisgarh residents, celebrities, influential people and award winners and appealing them to contribute for better future of the state and their loved ones. 

Campaign Organization: Being it Delhi or any other state, when it comes to effective election campaigning, AAP is always winning the ground by developing strategies utilizing minimum funds. While other parties are still deciding their candidates, AAP not only announced all of their candidates but also organized more than 2 massive campaigns. Their team is going door to door with a pamphlet of candidate description and comparison of achievements of AAP Delhi VS Raman Singh Govt. Work is compared in the field of education, health, industry, service sectors etc. With lesson learned from other states, AAP is fighting elections on all seats with local leadership. Candidate selection process was focused on non-corrupt, non-criminal and non-communal candidates.

Watch complete video of Dr. Sanket Thakur speaking to overseas volunteers during AAP Ka Radio Conference Call on Aug 19th, 2018.


AAP USA chapter organizes a weekly conference call (AAP Ka Radio) every Sunday at noon 12:00PM EST. More details about the call and guest can be found at @aapchat (https://twitter.com/aapchat).
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Friday, 19 October 2018

Achievements of Aam Aadmi Party in Delhi


3.5 years might be less for a political party to complete significant amount of work in a state or in a country. In India, certain states are continuously ruled by a party for decades but the problems remain same even if discussed and promised during the election campaigns. First time in Indian political history, things have started changing. Merely 6 years old, Aam Aadmi Party is ruling in Delhi for the past 3.5 years and revolutionary changes by the govt has already ignited discussions in India and abroad. Going by old political trends, it should be easy for me to list down achievements of a 3.5 years old govt but this is not the case for AAP in Delhi. It is difficult for me to write and for you to read if all of their achievements are listed in one long blogpost. Even though my entire blog is focused around AAP achievements, I have failed to covered them all.

AAP presented a 70 points manifesto in 2015 Delhi assembly elections and won 67 out of 70 seats. Just within a couple of months in office, roadblocks from central ruling and opposition parties started appearing on the way of AAP's governance. First shock to AAP from centre was the loss of control over ACB followed by many attempts to paralyze the govt altogether (read more: Power Tussle in Delhi, 20 instances of hurdles). AAP team not only managed to survive but also maintained their focus around the 70 points manifesto. July 4th SC decision was a milestone for AAP and Delhi Govt. You can track the progress of 70 points manifesto on aaptracker.in. Here are some key achievements of AAP which made a significant impact in the life of Delhi residents.

1/25: First state with E-Office


2/25: 1 Crore compensation to martyrs


3/25; Reduced electricity rates


4/25: Brought policy to punish power companies for unannounced outage


5/25: Increase farmers income by increasing compensation and solar policy


6/25: Private schools returned excess tuition fee 


7/25: Saved money in constructing flyovers 


8/25: Free ride for old age pilgrims


9/25: Free treatments for road accident victims in private hospitals too 


10: Introduced happiness curriculum in Delhi govt schools


11/25: Introduced home delivery of ration to crush down ration mafia 


12/25: Doorstep delivery government services 


13/25: First hydro power plant in Delhi 


14/25: Loan for higher education with govt as guarantor 


15/25: First state to publish info about MLA LAD fund 


16/25: Constructed mohalla clinics 


17/25: Introduced capping policy to stop loot by private hospitals 


18/25: First state to protect witnesses 


19/25: Sewage treatment plant 


20/25: Constructed world class skill centres 


21/25: Slum free Delhi 


22/25: Spoken English courses in govt schools 


23/25: Swaraj by Citizen Fund and Mohalla Sabha 


24/25: First state to implement Justice Verma Katju suggestions on women security 


25/25: Ended VIP culture 


Note: This list does not include achievements in the sectors of Transport, Water, Urban Shelter, Art & Culture, Tourism, Employment, Justice, Waste Management etc.

Read More:
1 Crore Compensation Policy
Tuition Fee refund by Private Schools
AAP in Action After SC Judgement

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Monday, 15 October 2018

"Aap Ka Daan, Rashtra Ka Nirman": Know all possible modes of donation to AAP



On Oct 15, 2018, Delhi CM and AAP Convener Arvind Kejriwal launched "Aap Ka Daan, Rashtra Ka Nirman" (your donation for nation building) campaign. With AAP expanding its wings to other states, the donation campaign is designed to generate more funds. A set of volunteers from India and overseas worked together and revamped donation website based on feedbacks received from different users across the world. A first in India, now Aam Aadmi Party accepts pre-authorized monthly donations from different banks in India. According to 2017 ADR report, AAP received 92% of its donations via banking channels. Only 8% donations were collected as cash. AAP supporters from Delhi and other parts of India gathered at Talkatora Stadium where Arvind Kejriwal launched the campaign in the presence of other leaders including Manish Sisodia, Sanjay Singh, Gopal Rai and Prithvi Reddy (inaugural videos are given at the end of this blog).

Since day one of AAP's formation, it has been accepting donations from Indian citizens living in India and abroad. Donations via online banking and credit cards are very popular among AAP supporters. Many supporters across India also donate via cheques and demand drafts. With few clicks, online donations are easy, fast and convenient. Like many others I have also been a regular donor. But many of us have donated only when there was an election or someone came forward looking for funds. Due to expanding units across India, elections in different states and various party events, AAP needed donations at all times. Now the need-based donation process is changed to regular contributions by signing up donors for pre-authorized monthly donations directly from their bank accounts. Old AAP donation website, donate.aamaadmiparty.org, has been moved/redirected to donations.aamaadmiparty.org.

Following are modes of payment accepted by Aam Aadmi Party and are available at donations.aamaadmiparty.org. This blog article will help you to set up your bank account for monthly donations or one time payment.

The first page of donations.aamaadmiparty.org gives you an option to select the amount and whether you want to donate monthly or one time.

Aap Ka Daan, Rashta ka Nirmaan
Fig 1: First page at donation.aamaadmiparty.org 

If you do not want to set-up recurring donations, select No, Donate Once. System will take you through old payment options where you can pay using credit card, debit card, online banking, gift cards, paytm etc.

If you want to setup your account for monthly donations, select Yes, Donate Monthly. There are several options you can choose from to donate monthly. According to law, any Indian citizen can donate to a political party in India. So if one is not living in India but holds an Indian Passport, they can donate using one of the following options.

Option 1: Monthly Donations & Country of Residence: India 

Enter your name, phone number, email as in Fig 1 and click Proceed.
In order to set-up monthly payments, there are 2 methods available to choose from (PAN number needed).

Aap Ka Daan, Rashta ka Nirmaan
Fig 2: Payment options at donations.aamaadmiparty.org 

Option 1, Method 1: Monthly from Credit Card 
If this option is selected, payment system will take you to RazorPay gateway system and setup your account for monthly payments.

Option 1, Method 2: Monthly from Bank Account 
If this option is selected, system will ask you to choose a bank from the drop down list at the bottom of the page. (Note: If you want to have recurring transfers directly from your bank account, jump to Option 4)

Aap Ka Daan, Rashta ka Nirmaan
Fig 3: Selecting a bank while setting up for pre-authorized monthly payment 

After selecting bank name, click Donate and it will take you to the registration form where bank information and account number are needed.

Aap Ka Daan, Rashta ka Nirmaan
Fig 4: Registration for monthly donation 

Followed by the above form, you Proceed to eSign using Aadhar virtual ID. After entering Aadhar number, an OTP will be generated followed by some final confirmation details.

Aap Ka Daan, Rashta ka Nirmaan
Fig 5: eSign using Aadhar card 

Option 2: Monthly Donations & Country of Residence: outside India 

Enter your name, phone number, email as in Fig 1 and click Proceed. There are 2 methods to choose from in order to set up the payment. (PAN and Passport Number is required)

Option 2, Method 1: Monthly from Credit Card 
If this option is selected, payment system will take you to the old AAP payment gateway where you can pay using Credit Cards (Indian and overseas), Debit Cards (Indian), Net Banking (Indian), Cash Card, Paytm, Wallet and UPI. (for one time or recurring transfers from your foreign bank accounts,  jump to Option 5

Update on Oct 16, 11:10 AST: Due to a bug, foreign credit cards work only for one time donation. This blog will be updated once issue is resolved. 

Aap Ka Daan, Rashta ka Nirmaan
Fig 6: Payment options when the option to pay using credit card is selected 
Option 2, Method 2: Monthly from Bank Account 
If this option is selected, payment process is the same as Option 1, Method 2.

While registering for monthly payments from your bank accounts or credit cards, you can choose one of the following options to set the duration of your contribution.

  • Until Cancelled 
  • 6 Months 
  • 12 Months 
  • 18 Months 
  • 24 Month 
  • 36 Months 

For any change, you can always send an email to donation@aadmiparty.org or call to the number +91-93 5501-5501. In addition to options 1 and 2, there are other payments choices for AAP supporters living in India or abroad.

Option 3: Offline Setup for Monthly Payments 

If you do not have internet facility but want to set-up monthly payments, it can be done offline. Just take a printout of the NACF form, fill and send it to the following AAP office address (Note: If you are an AAP volunteer and met someone on ground who needs help, you can contribute by setting up their account for monthly donations using this option).

206 Rouse Avenue, DDU Marg
New Delhi - 110002
India

Option 4: Fund Transfers via NEFT/RTGS from Indian Banks 

If you don't want to set-up your account for auto-debit but want to transfer directly from your bank account to AAP's account (as you transfer money to your friends and family), you can register your Indian bank account for NEFT/RTGS fund transfer (Note: After fund transfer setup, you can also schedule recurring payments by logging into your bank website).

Option 5: Online Remittance (NRIs Only) 

NRIs holding Indian citizenship can also register themselves for monthly payments using steps given in Option 2. As AAP accept payments using foreign credit cards, donors can use credit card of their choice. If you do not want to use credit card and want to transfer directly from your foreign bank account, you can register for Online Remittance here (Note: Passport and visa scanned copies are required).

Monthly Contributions from NRIs: 
NRIs can use reference number receipt upon registration for Online Remittance and transfer money to AAP's account at their convenience by logging into their foreign bank account. After setting up their account, NRIs can also schedule recurring fund transfers to AAP at their bank account.

Option 6: Cheque/Demand Draft 

Please mail them to the address given in Option 3.


Listen to AAP leaders addressing supporters gathered during the launch of "Aap Ka Daan, Rashtra Ka Nirman" campaign at Talkatora Stadium, New Delhi. 

1. Arvind Kejriwal



2. Manish Sisodia



3. Sanjay Singh



4. Gopal Rai




Read More: Clean politics need clean money: Yes I donate for AAP 

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